People today find themselves in a cultural dilemma. On the one hand, it is becoming increasingly clear that man can no longer afford to 'carry on as before'. On the other hand, his supernatural cultural organisation has become so complex that he cannot change it radically without risking a cultural crisis. Therefore, there is no other realistic solution than the targeted transformation of the current culture into a natural democracy of symbiotic equal rights.

This book not only traces how man has ended up in today's cultural situation, but also shows a way in which man can systematically realise a natural democracy of symbiotic equal rights.

 

Introduction 8

 

Chapter 1
The present cultural constitution and its adverse effects on human and earthly nature
 

  • The nature of the present state constitution
  • The history of capitalism
  • Neoliberal capitalism since 1985
  • The Communist Manifesto
  • The critical Passages in the Communist Manifesto
  • The relative approach of communist theory
  • The cultural caused development of addiction
  • The power of media
  • The dangers of targeted media influence
  • The propaganda
  • The television and its effects
  • The arbitrary branding
  • The Roman media policy

 

Chapter 2
The constitution of a natural democracy of symbiotic equal rights
 

  • The natural political equilibrium and the human striving for security and freedom
  • The contradictory polarisation of personal self-organisation through absolutist selflessness and absolutist egocentricity
  • The modern systems research and the natural heterarchical self-organisation
  • The natural economy
  • he task of the naturally cultural economy
  • Money, property and the capitalist credit system
  • The supernatural property
  • The historical beginnings of supernatural property
  • The emergence of capitalism from 600 BC onwards
  • The transformation of today's economy into a natural economy
  • The natural limitation of a person's influence on the community
  • The natural restriction of ownership of real estate
  • The question of property tax
  • New forms of economic independence
  • The natural organisation of society
  • The natural social self-management
  • The natural global cultural organisation
  • Other important political and economic objectives for a sustainable natural democracy
  • Natural self-defence and cultural war
  • The elemination of today's environmental overloads
  • The renewal of the humus layer on the arable soils
  • Reducing the particulate matter problem
  • The targeted reduction of species extinction
  • The cleaning up of the world's oceans from plastic and the recycling of plastic
  • The protecting of the rainforests
  • The restriction of factory farming
  • Further considerations
  • The natural science
     

 

Chapter 3
The biological philosophy
 

  • The natural empathic relationship
  • The unnatural relationship habits of today's culture people
  • The good business and the scapegoat
  • The natural education of children
  • The invention of childhood
  • The 'education' of reward and punishment
  • The modern racism of intelligence
  • The healthy natural psyche
  • The unbearable authoritarian education and its consequences
  • The natural relationship between the sexes
  • The natural religion
  • The abuse of the religion in the class culture
  • The problem with the religious concept of chosenness
  • The religious metaphysics

 

Chapter 1

The present cultural constitution and its adverse effects on human and earthly nature
 

 

The history of capitalism (Parts)

In the 15th century, the European nations began to realise 'liberal' colonialism and imperialism, which gradually spread to the whole world. The establishment of the British and Dutch East India Companies at the beginning of the 17th century led to a veritable 'liberal-parasitic', sadistic and sometimes tyrannical exploitation of colonial peoples. This ultimately gave rise to so-called 'free trade', which has remained obligatory for the nations of the '1st, 2nd and 3rd world' to this day and continues to result in unnatural and asocial cultural symptoms.

The industrial revolution that began in Europe in the 18th century was organised in the tradition of 'free trade' through the exploitation of slaves and the creation of a new type of working-class proletariat. Since the turn of the millennium, this new form of imperialism and colonialism, which also has an impact on nations, has led to the establishment of progressive capitalism, which is increasingly taking on people in a holistic way.

Karl Polanyi (1886-1964), a Hungarian economic historian, vividly traced the history of the development of capitalism in his book 'The Great Transformation '
1:

P.110 ff. [...] 'The more complicated industrial production became, the more numerous became the factors of production whose existence had to be secured. Three of these were [...] of the utmost importance: labour, land and money. In a commercial society, availability could only be guaranteed in one way: by making it purchasable. It therefore had to be organised in such a way that it was for sale on the market, in other words, that it was considered a commodity'.

[...] 'One of the three factors stands out in particular: labour power is the terminus technicus for people insofar as they are not employers but employees. It follows that from then on the organisation of labour had to adapt to the developments of the market system. But since the organisation of labour is merely another name for the forms of life of the common people, this means that the development of the market system had to be accompanied by a change in the social organisation itself. In the course of this development, human society had degenerated into an accessory of the economic system.'[...].

P. 224 ff. [...] 'To separate labour from other activities of life and to subject it to the law of the market means to extinguish all organisational forms of being and to replace them by another form of organisation, an atomistic and individualistic form. Such a destructive scheme is best served by applying the principle of freedom of contract. In practice, this means that non-contractual forms such as kinship, neighbourhood, profession and confession had to be liquidated, since they demanded loyalty and devotion from the individual and thus restricted his freedom. If this is presented as the principle of non-interference, as the supporters of economic liberalism used to do, it was nothing other than the expression of a deep-rooted, [...] certain kind of interference, namely one that was intended to destroy the non-contractual relationships between people and prevent their spontaneous re-formation.

This effect of establishing a labour market is clearly visible in colonial territories today. The natives are to be forced to earn their living by selling their labour. To this end, their traditional institutions must be destroyed and their re-establishment prevented, since in a primitive society the individual is not usually threatened by hunger as long as the community as a whole does not fall into this situation. In the Kral land system of the Kaffirs, for example, impoverishment is impossible: Whoever needs help receives it unconditionally. No Kwakiutl has ever been in danger of going hungry. There is no hunger in societies that have the necessities of life.

The principle of freedom from want was equally observed in the village community of India, and, let us add, also in almost every and every kind of social organisation of Europe till about the beginning of the 16th century.' [...] 'It is precisely the absence of the threat of individual hunger that makes primitive society in a certain sense more humane than market-economy society.'[...]

'Grotesquely enough, the white man's first contribution to the black man's world consisted mainly in familiarising him with the possible applications of the scourge of hunger. Thus the colonists could think of cutting down the breadfruit trees to create an artificial food shortage, or they could impose a tax on the huts of the natives to force them to sell their labour'[...].

[...] 'What the white man perhaps still practices today in remote regions, namely the breaking up of social structures in order to squeeze the element of labour out of them, was done to white populations by white men in the 18th century for similar purposes. Hobbes's grotesque image of the state as a human leviathan whose vast body was composed of an endless number of human bodies was eclipsed by the construction of the labour market in Ricardo's sense, a stream of human bodies whose supply was regulated by the amount of food made available to them. Although the existence of a general standard below which no worker's wage could fall was recognised, it was thought that this limit would only be effective if the worker was faced with the choice of either having nothing to eat or offering his labour power on the market at the price offered.

This incidentally explains an otherwise inexplicable omission of the classical national economists, namely why only the fear of hunger, but not the attraction of higher wages, was ascribed the ability to create a functioning labour market. Here, too, developments in the colonies confirmed their experiences. The higher the wages, the lower the incentive to perform for the native, who, unlike the white man, does not feel compelled by his cultural norms to earn as much money as possible.

This analogy was all the more striking because the early labourer also feared the factory, where he felt humiliated and tortured, like the native, who could often only summon himself to work in our way if he was threatened with corporal punishment, if not mutilation.

1. Quotes: Karl Polanyi: The Great Transformation Politische und ├ľkonomische Urspr├╝nge von Gesellschaften und Wirtschaftssystemen, Suhrkamp Verlag, 1978

 

Neoliberal capitalism since 1985 (Parts)

From 1950 onwards, a new mass production emerged within the '1st world' through so-called 'Fordism. '2 As a result, many economic groups reached the economic scale of modern states in the 1970s. This led to a change in the content of the hitherto prevailing economic theory views, which ultimately led to a shift towards the economic theories of the so-called Chicago School and in particular the theories of Milton Friedman. This ultimately revitalised the 'liberal' capitalism of the 19th century within the '1st world'.

In 1985, the so-called 'Washington Consensus' led to a new policy for lending to 3rd world countries and thus to a strong promotion of a global 'neoliberal' cultural agenda, which was far more favourable to the interests of American and European corporations. As a result, all the insights and conclusions that mankind had drawn from the drastic lessons of the 20th century were ultimately suppressed and discarded.

How dangerous the neoliberal agenda has become for people today can be measured above all by the fact that neoliberalism only judges people according to their usefulness for a constant increase in economic power.

Such an instrumentalisation and functionalisation of man puts 'The Economy' first and declares it a saviour, so that 'The Market' becomes a sacred cow. If a modern person accepts such an economic religion, the perverse view that man is there for the economy and not, as is the case within a natural community organisation, the economy for man, becomes normalised in him.

Since neoliberalism still regards social expenditure merely as a cost to be minimised in the pursuit of neoliberal profit and power, the modern citizen does not count as a human being for neoliberal culture, but only in his cultural and economic functions as a voter, worker, taxpayer and consumer. For a neoliberal economic corporation and a neoliberal state, it therefore makes no difference what religion, skin colour or gender a person has. Both human nature and human character are irrelevant to the neoliberal agenda, which is purely focussed on profit and power. As a result, the neoliberal agenda has caused an increasing asocial decomposition of society to this day, which is slowly but surely transforming modern man into a materialistic lone wolf.

 

Chapter 2
The constitution of a natural democracy of symbiotic equal rights
 

The first chapter of the book makes it clear that for a transformation of today's culture into a natural democracy of symbiotic equal rights overcoming material problems is of secondary importance. Today's human beings primarily need a natural cultural vision and a biological philosophy of life that can serve as a guideline for the realisation of a natural self-organisation and a healthy community organisation.

One source for such a guideline is the science of ethnology, which has studied numerous naturally organising communities and their habits of life over the last 150 years. Therefore, when it is spoken of a natural way of life, natural behaviour or natural social organisation in the following, this refers to the findings of ethnology and other scientific fields of research that deal with the self-organisation of human and earthly nature.

 

The natural political equilibrium and the human striving for security and freedom (Parts)

Within a natural community organisation, politics can be defined as the effort to balance the natural interests of human nature in order to achieve a balanced social and symbiotic self-organisation:

1. The I interests = the empathic reference to one's own existence, the mental, emotional and physical self-preservation and the cultivation of personal talents and interests.

2. The YOU interests = the cultivation of companionships, friendships, partnerships and family relationships

3. The WE interests = the constructive cultural affinity, the empathic connection with all life and the development of a holistic world view

To achieve this, both the small village and the large state must take into account the mutually complementary aspirations of all people for security and freedom in an appropriate manner.

For around 100 years, people have known that the universe and nature on earth are organised by dynamic interrelationships of a relative kind. In addition to a dynamic polarisation of the universe through a relative order (security) and through a relative chaos (freedom), we find the natural electricity on earth with its + and - polarisation, the phenomenon of high and low tide and also a dynamic polarisation of the human sense of taste, e.g. through the taste dynamics of sweet and sour.

If, for whatever reason, a person strives for absolute security through an absolute order, he tragically excludes natural freedom from his endeavours and becomes an opponent of freedom, since he sees freedom only as an not welcome unsecurity in his life. The same applies to a human striving for absolute freedom, for which every natural order becomes an obstacle. As soon as a person therefore makes his relative natural needs and views absolute, the natural alternating poles of life within his self-organisation no longer complement each other, but are mutually exclusive. A unnatural ideological self-organisation of the absolutist kind can therefore have an extremely fatal effect on the self-organisation of a person, a village or an entire society.

Even after 100 years of the theory of relativity, modern cultural man still organise himself in an absolutistic way by holding on to the 2400-year-old ideological concept of so-called idealism. Platonic idealism (Plato 427-347 BC) assumes that absolute divine ideas exist in the universe, which underlie all living phenomena on earth as models. As a result, the 'perfect' divine ideas are considered to be of higher value than the realisation of these ideas through an 'imperfect' biological existence. The idealist therefore regards all living beings on earth, including humans, as inferior images of 'higher' divine ideas.

Through idealism, a hierarchical division of spirit, soul and body has been established within the ideological self-organisation of class culture, which humans still integrate in their worldview und realize in a relatively unconscious way in their eryday cultural life. The tendencies to overvalue all human ideas, observations and goals, to doubt and criticise the emotions and to devalue the body are correspondingly destructive. A further consequence of this arbitrary categorisation of humans life is that man has been relatively ruthless in his treatment of the earth's nature for 2000 years.

The idealistic organisation of the human world view has produced numerous ideological 'ism' complexes in Western cultural history, such as material 'ism', which make a questionable claim to absolute, idealistic, divine and universal validity. As a result, many people still fanatically adhere to one 'ism' belief complexes today and defend them against all 'enemies' who represent a different 'ism' belief complex.

The ideological wars that continue to flare up today, for example between a capital 'ism' and a commun 'ism' and between the world religions, make it clear how stubbornly and with what destructive consequences man has clung to the ideological concept of idealism since Greek civilisation.

This also applies to the conflicts between a 'right-wing' and 'left-wing' politics of the idealistic kind that have been rampant within modern class culture for around 100 years, which have arisen from the exaggerated desire for an absolute cultural order on the one hand (dictatorship, fascism, communism) and for absolute freedom on the other (anarchism). As a result, a veritable idealistic war has remained 'normal' within class culture to this day, polarising society in an absolutist manner and dividing it through hostile ideological camps.

 

The natural limitation of a person's influence on the community

Each natural species has its own natural boundaries and scales within which it unfolds. This also applies to adults, whose natural growth spectrum is in the range of 1.0 to 2.40 meters in height. In the case of the culture man, the influence on his environment and on the shaping of society is determined not only by his body size, but also by his material and political possibilities and abilities.

In order to be able to realise a sustainable natural cultural organisation, a person's political and material assets must therefore also be limited by a natural from-to spectrum. Otherwise, a natural democracy will always be at risk of turning into a dictatorship as soon as the will of a wealthy few can prevail at the expense of the many.

As cultural history abundantly shows, a unlimited 'private wealth' within a culture leads to a veritable concentration of wealth and thus also to a concentration of the effective influence on the shaping of culture (power) with only a few people.

Since a society is basically nothing more than a living biotope with its own economic cycle of life, an excessive concentration of wealth in a few actors causes a general weakening of the other actors, which inevitably makes the entire cultural biotope susceptible to disturbances. Such a situation represents a serious cultural aberration for several reasons, since the rich and powerful human being, who becomes a 'superman', gives up in an unconscious way his social life insurance through a natural connectedness with the cultural community. More than all other living beings on earth, man is dependent on such life insurance by a social society, since man needs 20 years of maturity until his mental, emotional and physical independence and his nature has no special abilities for an existence as a lone fighter.

The more the 'superman' tries to replace the decomposing natural life insurance with a material life insurance in the form of a supernatural striving for material wealth and for an absolutist power of disposal over other people, the more he gets into a tragic vicious spiral.

People derive an essential security and inner satisfaction from social life insurance, which enables them to relax naturally. A soon as his social life insurance decomposes, an insecurity and dissatisfaction inevitably arise in him that literally gnaw at him. The more the 'superman' therefore strives for a supernatural material life insurance and the more he thereby undermines his social relationships and his social life insurance, the more insecure and dissatisfied he becomes and the more he tries to achieve a solution for his precarious mental situation through an ever more intense striving for wealth and power.

If this vicious spiral reaches a certain degree, then the striving for a material life insurance becomes endemic, so that the 'superman' becomes a 'master man' who tries to dominate the cultural biotope as a whole through an ever-increasing supernatural influence and to modify it according to his 'interests'.

From a historical point of view, it was therefore only a matter of time before the anti-socially organised superman became a master man and the master man became a founder of class culture. To this day, these 'master man' of culture strive in the form of a destructive 'biology' to dominate the entire cultural biotope in an absolutist way.

Today, on the basis of historical reappraisal and scientific research, it becomes clear that even a 'master man' who achieves a strong material life insurance in his life and dominates countless servants and slaves in a direct or indirect way, is never satisfied and can never be satisfied.

The deeper reason for this tragedy lies above all in the fact that at the moment when a serious cultural crisis occurs, all the power and wealth of the master man can become worthless, whereby consequently all his relationships dissolve in no time at all. Innate human nature, with its special instinct for self-preservation, is incorruptible and cannot be deceived by arbitrary positivistic interpretations of these facts. Therefore, the unnatural egocentric course of development from man to superman and from superman to master man is doomed to failure in one way or another.

People with social life insurance can survive in the event of a cultural crisis even without power and without material assets, because they stick together and share what they each find in terms of food. Mathematically speaking, 7 people who stick together in one day have far more chances of finding food that is sufficient for everyone than a single person. Not only can they search a 7-fold larger territory for food every day, but they can also succumb animals without firearms in a group. The biological social life insurance that a group of people generates for each group member, even in bitter times, is therefore far bigger than the security that a lone fighter can achieve within a crisis situation.

For this reason, the development of man into a master man has become an extremely tragic development, which today increasingly threatens the fundamental existence of man. Through the invention of class culture and through its progressive development up to the present day, an unnatural cultural curse has arisen for all civilised people. Today's middle-class and lower-class people also increasingly tend to organise themselves through a material life insurance in the form of a lone wolf behaviour. This tragic development is mainly due to the 'practical cultural constraints' that have arisen through the influence of the master man on the shaping of class culture over the last 150 years. Since the turn of the millennium, all 'simple' people have had to fight for their mental, emotional and physical survival in an increasing way.

As a result, the cultured person increasingly organises himself in an egocentric way, so that his social relationships decompose in a corresponding way. This inevitably draws a creeping dissolution of the social life insurance of the cultural human being. Many cultured people thereby today have no choice but to strive for materialistic life insurance, as cultural relations are becoming increasingly superficial, non-committal and factual. It is therefore crucial that today's man realises that he cannot simply replace natural social life insurance with material life insurance without falling into a vicious spiral of a bottomless egocentrism.

Today, through his accumulated knowledge, man can understand for the first time that the 'devil', who has played such a great role in the mythological narratives of class culture, is not a universal being, but symbolises the consequences of giving up social life insurance through the pursuit of material life insurance. On the basis of these real consequences, we can understand that by striving for a material life insurance, man does indeed 'get into the devil's kitchen' because he thereby sells his soul to the culture of class for reaching a fundamental material survival. However, the apparent guarantee of survival of a material life insurance turns out to be a serious trap, as it turns the person into an eternally dissatisfied person who can no longer find inner peace.

 

New forms of economic independence

The Economic Structural Compensation Fund can be used to promote new forms of economic cooperatives within a natural democracy, which are organised financially and bureaucratically by a flexible investment fund. As a result, each member of such a cooperation can contribute his or her natural 'assets' to a corporate investment fund according to his or her abilities, his invested time and his financial share and receive a corresponding monthly profit distribution from the investment fund.

Through the direct financial participation of all employees, the self-organisation of a symbiotic economical co-operative does not require hierarchical command structures. Since all employees are directly involved in the profits of an economic cooperation, they also have a biological interest in making their workplace within the cooperative as effective and successful as possible.

Such flexible economic cooperation can become a new corporate model of a natural democracy, especially if it is psychologically supported by free state health insurance for all acute illnesses. In this way, the risk of the individual for participation in a democratic economic cooperative is kept within manageable limits.

The Economic Structural Compensation Fund within a natural democracy makes another new concept for the promotion of a natural economy possible. By reviewing all bankruptcy filing companies by a bankruptcy administrator to determine whether it is worthwhile to maintain the company for the natural democracy, many valuable resources of knowledge and already existing logistical structures within natural democracy can be maintained.

If it is worthwhile to maintain a bankrupt company, then a special committee can take over the task of working out a new company organisation through a grounding of a democratic investment fund, which will give the former employees of the company the opportunity to take over their former company. Instead of paying employees unemployment benefits or social assistance, all employees receive a share of the new company investment fund, whereby all employees become co-owners of their former company.

By standardising such a procedure for all company bankruptcies through special committees, the respective bodies can ensure that the companies that have gone bankrupt are curtailed in size and logistics in such a way that the newly emerging democratised companies also adequately take into account the needs of the earth's nature.

This bankruptcy agenda can be applied to small companies as well as large corporations, for which natural democracy can grant itself a primary right of exploitation. Here, the process of democratisation requires breaking up the corporations into sole proprietorships, each of which is transformed into smaller democratic companies through the involvement of the former employees. Since all transformed companies are transformed into a living economic organism by means of a heterarchical linkage, today's hierarchically organised corporate groups can also be transformed into democratic single companies through the realisation of a natural line of legitimation from bottom to top.



The natural organisation of society

Today, people can use many open-source software programs that are financed by private donations. Many people are already familiar with Mozilla Firefox, Thunderbird, File Zilla, Open Office and Gimp. All of these programs are free because the programmers have networked in a symbiotic way to work on this software together.

Many of the open source software programs work better in practice than purchased programs, because the philosophy of public benefit behind the programs is far more concerned with the well-being of people than the philosophy of the profit-oriented software manufacturers.

The open-source operating systems Linux Ubuntu and Linux Mint have become respectable operating systems to this day, which already contain a 'service pack' of all important open-source programs. This means that even relatively inexperienced users can immediately start writing letters, surfing the Internet and completing other tasks. How good the Linux operating software has already become can be measured by the fact that it is often used to repair a Windows operating system that is no longer running or to rescue data that is no longer accessible.

Another important open-source objective for a natural democracy is the development of an independent open-source Internet election platform that makes it possible to make visible the real democratic will in a people for a democratic shaping of society. A democratic Internet voting platform would enable every person to cast their vote for important political decisions in their country through a secret voting code, in order to cultivate a new 'Word to Sunday', so to speak. All that is necessary for this is the combination of an open-source Internet election platform with an information platform in the style of Wikipedia, which informs about the upcoming political decisions in culture in an independent way.

Such an Internet election platform would not only be a political school for a democratic cultural design, but also a political barometer for the real political will of the people, undistorted by all commercial interests.
 

The natural social self-management

Once a national open-source Internet voting platform is used by about 10% of a country's citizens, the agenda of a natural democracy of symbiotic equal rights can be taken to the next level: the formulation and coordination of a catalogue of goals and demands that the peoples can discuss in order to participate in the realisation of a natural democracy of symbiotic equal rights. One of the essential objectives for the realisation of a natural democracy is the implementation of a natural executive with a line of legitimacy from the bottom up, which begins with a direct election of the village and city officials by the respective inhabitants.

This makes local administrators a natural executive authority that organises all day-to-day bureaucratic tasks in a relatively indipendant manner. Another natural task of the local executive is to align the natural interests of the citizens and the natural interests of the district administration.

As soon as the local administrative officials elect the district officials from among themselves, a first line of legitimacy from bottom to top gets effective. The citizens form the first instance, the local administration the second instance and the district administration the third instance. Those who leave the local administration by their election as district officials select, for practical reasons, their successors themselves from a list of candidates through personal interviews.

By realising the same procedure for the election of state and federal civil servants, a natural democratic executive emerges that ensures that the citizen has the first and last word in culture.

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